The 1987 June Democratic Struggle: A Pivotal Moment That Brought Genuine Democracy to Korea

By Park Yeonju

“I hit the desk, and he died saying, “Ah.” This statement is what the police initially announced as the cause of death of student protester Park Jong-cheol in 1987. But the autopsy revealed that his death was caused by electrical and water torture. Students and citizens were outraged and took to the streets to mourn the death of Park. This incident became a key catalyst for the June Democratic Struggle and helped build a strong public consensus for the pro-democracy movement.

The year 1987 burned with an intense desire for democracy and marked a new turning point in its history. In 1987, a new constitution reflecting the will of the people was born. And during that time, the entire nation cried out for democracy – this was the June Democratic Struggle of 1987.

The 1987 June Struggle was an anti-dictatorship democratization movement that took place nationwide from June 10 to 29, triggered by the torture death of Park Jong-cheol. The Struggle was ignited by three major incidents: the torture and death of Park, the April 13 declaration to uphold the authoritarian constitution, and the death of student protester Lee Han-yeol after being hit by a tear gas canister. Let’s follow the timeline of the June Democratic Struggle.

Park Jong-cheol was a junior linguistics student at Seoul National University. On January 13, 1987, he was arrested by six investigators from the Anti-Communist Investigation Division of the National Police Headquarters. He was arrested as part of an effort to apprehend Park Jong- un, a senior member of the University Culture Research Society and the Democratization Promotion Committee. The police subjected Park Jong-cheol to brutal physical assault, electrical torture, and water torture. He ultimately died in the interrogation room on January 14. After Park’s death, the police attempted to fabricate the circumstances, claiming that he had died at the hospital.

The next day, several media outlets reported that Park had suddenly collapsed and died while being transferred to a hospital. They added that he had been taken into custody for allegedly harboring Park Jong-un, which was not true. It was then that the now-infamous statement emerged: When an investigator slammed the desk while asking about Park Jong-un’s whereabouts, Park Jong-cheol let out a gasp and collapsed. This assertion was made by Kang Min-chang, chief of the National Police Headquarters. It was absurdly publicized as the official cause of death.

Even the newly appointed Minister of the Interior, Chung Ho-yong, denied the torture. He said, “How could a person possibly beat another person?” Chung had previously served as the commander of the Special Forces. He was the highest-ranking officer in the unit that led the crackdown during the May 18 Democratic Uprising in Gwangju. That very person once again claimed that there had been “no violence at all.” However, the autopsy revealed that the cause of death was asphyxiation due to water torture. During the torture, his neck was pressed against the edge of the bathtub, leading to suffocation. The prosecutors in charge of the case who chose to reveal the truth were later demoted.

Park Jong-cheol’s pan-national memorial service and downtown protests were held in major cities across the country on February 7. The 49th memorial service for Park and the national march for a ban on torture followed on March 3. But President Chun Doo-hwan rejected the growing public demand for democratic change. Instead, on April 13, he delivered a Special Presidential Address announcing the suspension of constitutional amendment talks.

At the time, South Korea stood at a crossroads: whether to maintain the existing constitution and elect the president through an electoral college or to amend the constitution and introduce direct presidential elections by popular vote.

Despite interference from President Chun Doo- hwan, the opposition party – the New Korea Democratic Party (NKDP) – emerged as the leading opposition force in the general election held on February 12, 1985. Led by Kim Young- sam and Kim Dae-jung, the NKDP stood in direct opposition to Chun’s ruling regime.

On February 12, 1986, marking the first anniversary of the general election, the NKDP launched the Ten Million Signatures Campaign for Constitutional Reform. The constitutional reform movement gained momentum, and on April 30, President Chun Doo-hwan announced that he was willing to agree to a constitutional amendment. However, Chun proposed a shift to a parliamentary system, while Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung demanded a presidential system with direct elections. The gap between their positions was too wide to bridge. Meanwhile, Chun’s regime continued to crack down on pro-democracy movements, further fueling the public’s demand for reform.

Under the banner of the so-called Anti- Amendment Measure, the Chun government announced its intention to transfer power under the existing constitution. Officials believed the move would generate strong public support. Instead, it provoked widespread backlash. President Chun sought to maintain the indirect presidential election system enshrined in the then-current constitution, a stance that ignited fierce opposition among citizens demanding direct presidential elections.

On May 18, 1987, a memorial mass marking the seventh anniversary of the Gwangju Uprising was held at Myeongdong Cathedral in Seoul. During the service, Father Kim Seung-hoon of the Catholic Priests’ Association for Justice revealed that police had covered up the torture and death of Park Jong-cheol. The revelation fueled public anger among citizens already critical of Chun’s Fifth Republic regime and sparked protests demanding democratization across the country.

On June 9, student protester Lee Han-yeol was hit in the back of the head by a tear gas canister fired by police in front of the main gate of Yonsei University. He collapsed at the scene. The next day on June 10, the Chun Doo-hwan regime announced that Roh Tae-woo, a key political ally of Chun, would be the ruling party’s presidential candidate. That same day a large- scale demonstration broke out at Seoul City Hall Square. Opposition leaders, university students, and office workers in their 30s took to the streets. The protests quickly spread nationwide.

After June 10, an average of more than 100 protests took place simultaneously every day across the country. It is estimated that four to five million people participated in the June Democratic Struggle. Eventually, the Chun Doo-hwan administration had no choice but to accept the request for an amendment to the direct presidential election system through the June 29, 1987 Declaration of Democracy. After the amendment for the direct election system, Korean society entered the stage of full-fledged democratization. The June Democratic Struggle blocked the dictatorship’s intention of extended rule through civil resistance. The achievement of constitutional reform introducing direct presidential elections was highly significant. It marked a decisive turning point for democratic values and institutions to take root across political, social, and cultural spheres.

It was a struggle that unfolded across the entire country, involving workers, students, the poor, and farmers – people from all sectors of society. What is the connection between the May 18 Democratic Uprising and the June Democratic Struggle? I want to say that the democratization of Korea achieved through the June Democratic Struggle was only possible because of the May 18 Gwangju Uprising.

The memory of the May 18 struggle, which continued unabated, laid the foundation. At that time, heightened anti-American sentiment meant that the U.S. military had no choice but to support the Korean people during the June Democratic Struggle for the sake of public sentiment. It was unreasonable for the Korean military, which had already lost its legitimacy, to suppress the uprising solely by following Chun Doo-hwan’s orders. The military had witnessed the power of the people during the May 18 period.

It was clear why neither Chun Doo-hwan nor the military could intervene. The history of May 18 and its undiminished memory showed how great the desire for democratization in Korea was. The June Democratic Struggle also forced the government to announce sweeping reforms. These included the introduction of direct presidential elections and constitutional amendments. Afterward, a broader wave of democratization and liberalization emerged across South Korean society. The Ninth Amendment to the Constitution, enacted in the aftermath of the protests, laid the foundation for what is now commonly referred to as the “1987 system.” This system continues to serve as the framework for South Korea’s political and legal order today. As the entire nation came together and cried out for democracy in 1987, we are now able to live within the values of democracy. The slogan “Abolish the constitutional amendment, overthrow the dictatorship, and achieve democracy” is what shaped today’s Republic of Korea.

Photo Credit: Park Jong-cheol’s funeral held at Myeongdong Cathedral, courtesy of KOGL/e-History Video Archives.