Midnight Martial Law and Defense of Democracy – February 2025

By Park Yeonju

“10:23 p.m., December 3, 2024. In the Presidential Office in Yongsan, Seoul, South Korea President Yoon Suk Yeol declares martial law without any prior notice.”

“My fellow citizens, I am declaring martial law to protect the free Republic of Korea from the threats posed by North Korean communist forces, to eradicate the shameless pro-North anti-state elements that are robbing our people of their freedom and happiness, and to uphold the constitutional order of freedom.”

As the day was coming to an end, the sudden declaration of martial law threw South Korea into chaos. On social media, some users posted reactions like “What’s going on?” “Are we really living in 2024?” and “They’re probably just trying to scare us and will back off soon.” Due to the recent noisy political clashes between the ruling and opposition parties, some citizens reacted indifferently, some were overwhelmed with confusion, and others expressed fatigue with Korean politics once again. It felt as though a shadow of the “midnight turmoil” was descending upon South Korea.

From the moment martial law was declared, the situation in South Korea was broadcast live on TV with vivid detail. That night, what the people of South Korea witnessed left everyone in shock. The scenes unfolding on television threw citizens, who had shown indifference earlier, into a sudden state of fear. As soon as martial law had been declared, even the political realm, which had, until recently, been engaged in heated debates, united in condemning the declaration as an “illegal martial law.” The members of the National Assembly from both the ruling and opposition parties began rushing to the Assembly hall. Even Han Dong-hoon, the leader of the ruling People Power Party, strongly expressed that the president’s declaration of martial law was both unlawful and unconstitutional.

To lift the martial law, the members of the National Assembly from both the ruling and opposition parties quickly headed to the Assembly building. However, the path to the National Assembly – one of the three pillars supporting the separation of powers in South Korea, tasked with creating the nation’s laws as representatives of the people’s sovereignty – began to be blocked. How could it make sense for the members of the National Assembly to be prevented from entering the Assembly building? Despite the late hour, citizens gathered in front of the National Assembly. In the darkness that had fallen over Yeoui-do, they united to shine the light of democracy. Ordinarily, citizens were allowed access to the National Assembly, but in a situation where even the members of the National Assembly were being blocked from entering, it was unthinkable for citizens to be granted access.

The streets leading to the Assembly were swiftly blocked by the police, and within about 30 minutes of the martial law declaration, the outer gates to the Assembly building were closed. Woo Won-shik, the speaker of the National Assembly, climbed over the wall to enter the Assembly building in order to pass a resolution demanding the lifting of martial law. The area in front of the National Assembly was packed with a huge crowd of citizens.

The police stood firm, blocking the entrance to the Assembly without a hint of hesitation. The members of the Assembly shouted, “Who gave you these orders?” and “It doesn’t even make sense to block the members of the National Assembly!” Despite the heated exchanges, the police resolutely maintained control over the Assembly. Amid the chaos, citizens who gathered in front of the National Assembly faster than anyone else united with the members of the Assembly, acting as one to ensure the smooth lifting of martial law in that critical moment.

Many citizens watching all the events unfold on TV from their homes could not help but be shocked. The martial law forces, in their attempt to block the members of the National Assembly, broke windows and doors to enter the Assembly, displaying behavior that was hard to believe to be coming from fellow Koreans. The sight of armed soldiers carrying out operations with guns drawn was a scene unimaginable in 2024. Inside the National Assembly, more than 190 members of the National Assembly, surpassing the majority of its total members, gathered. Speaker Woo Won-shik promptly convened a plenary session to lift martial law.

The result: Unanimous approval by all attending members.

Under Article 77 of the Constitution, if the National Assembly demands the lifting of martial law with the approval of a majority of its members, the president is legally obligated to comply. Around 1 a.m., approximately three hours after martial law was declared, President Yoon Suk Yeol was legally bound to lift it. Immediately after the resolution to lift martial law was passed, the martial law forces began retreating. The intense confrontation that had defined the dark early hours of the new day quickly dissipated. Despite the earlier clashes, the citizens present warmly consoled the martial law forces, who were, after all, someone’s sons as well. Some soldiers even apologized, saying, “We’re sorry,” as they departed from the National Assembly area.

The following day, December 4, President Yoon delivered an address to the nation at around 4:27a.m. from the presidential office in Yongsan, announcing the official lifting of martial law. The midnight martial law turmoil had come to an end in just six hours.

The aftermath of those six hours was immense. According to the Constitution, the declaration of martial law requires prior notification to the National Assembly. However, this martial law was a “surprise declaration,” known only to Yoon Suk Yeol and a select few political figures. Both the members of the National Assembly and the citizens demonstrated strong actions to impeach Yoon Suk Yeol for proclaiming an unconstitutional martial law.

So, what about Gwangju? In 1980, just like in 2024’s surprise declaration, Gwangju endured martial law. Under the name of martial law, the ruthless violence of the martial law forces dominated the city. The citizens of Gwangju had no choice but to fight back against the martial law special forces, standing alone in their struggle, which came to be known as the May 18 Gwangju Uprising. Gwangju was isolated from the rest of the country and from the outside world in 1980, and in the process of defending democracy, it suffered immense sacrifices and pain. But times have changed. We now live in an era where anyone can raise their voice, and it has become much harder to suppress democracy through force. During the December 3 martial law that struck fear into the entire nation, the people of Gwangju, the “City of Democracy,” were more active than anyone else, taking to the streets to stand for democracy.

Not only were there crowds in front of the National Assembly in Seoul but also in Gwangju a mass of people gathered at May 18 Democracy Square, where tens of thousands of Gwangju citizens had gathered during the May 18 Gwangju Uprising. The plaza became a site for the defense to democracy in 2024. After the declaration of martial law, the first nationwide effort that needed to be accomplished was the passage of the Yoon Suk Yeol impeachment motion.

On December 7, 2024, four days after martial law, the impeachment motion required approval by at least two-thirds of all National Assembly members, which amounted to more than 200 votes. However, among the 108 members of the ruling People Power Party, only three attended the session, leaving the motion five votes short of the number needed for passage. As a result, the impeachment motion was automatically dismissed.

The people surrounded the National Assembly even on that cold day, ensuring that the members of the National Assembly could hear the voice of the public and that the impeachment motion could pass. Gwangju was no different. Just as in 1980, Gwangju citizens gathered together, holding signs that read “Yoon Suk Yeol, Resign,” and lighting up the streets even in the freezing cold. Despite the icy-cold weather, it was a moment when the determination to uphold the value of democracy burned brightest.

Not only in front of the National Assembly but also in Gwangju and across the nation, people had no choice but to witness the impeachment motion being dismissed. But this was only the beginning. Even after the impeachment motion was rejected, the people stayed in place for an extended period of time, pledging to gather again over the weekend, to join forces, and to raise their voices for “Yoon Suk Yeol, Resign!”

The rallies of 2024 were not entirely somber. The MZ generation who took to the streets brought their favorite idols’ light sticks, creating a colorful display of lights. Singing Girls’ Generation’s “Into the New World,” they fostered an uplifting atmosphere, hoping for South Korea to once again become a strong democratic nation. Even as the bitter wind blew, the combination of light sticks and songs made the protests feel inviting and open to anyone who wanted to join.

With one week remaining until the vote on Yoon Suk Yeol’s second impeachment motion, the lights in front of the National Assembly continued to shine, even on weekday evenings. Universities across the nation also began raising their voices. At Chonnam National University, a student assembly was convened on December 12 to propose a resolution calling for Yoon Suk Yeol’s resignation following the declaration of martial law. To proceed, 1,426 students, which is 10% of the enrolled student population, needed to attend. Initially, the assembly fell short of the required quorum, but within five hours, 1,500 students gathered, allowing the meeting to proceed. The event included speeches from the student council president, student representatives, and open discussions by participating students in which voices calling for Yoon Suk Yeol’s resignation were heard.

The results of the vote: 1,467 votes in favor, 5 votes against, and 28 abstentions.

With an overwhelming majority of votes in favor, the resolution for resignation was passed, and applause erupted on the spot. Forty-four years ago, during the May 18 Democratic Movement, Chonnam National University stood at the center of the fight to defend democracy. This was a particularly meaningful moment, as it represented the voice of Chonnam National University, where the historic spirit of democracy still lives on. Despite it being final exam period, the participation of students demonstrated that the spirit of democracy at Chonnam National University remains deeply rooted, reaffirming its enduring legacy.

And on Saturday, December 14, a decisive moment came once again. It was estimated that around one million people gathered in front of the National Assembly, and in Gwangju, Geumnam- ro and other main thoroughfares were closed as countless citizens took to the streets.

The members of the People Power Party, who initially refused to participate in the impeachment vote, changed their stance after hours of internal meetings, deciding to take part in the vote. No one could predict what decision they would make, whether they would respond to the voices of the people or support the president. What outcome awaited was unclear. That morning, students at Chonnam National University gathered once again. They unified their determination for Yoon Suk Yeol to resignation and reenacted the street marches carried out during the May 18 Gwangju Uprising. After singing “March for the Beloved,” a song very closely associated with the uprising, they headed to Geumnam-ro to join the Gwangju Citizens’ Rally. Everyone was watching the situation at the National Assembly through live broadcasts. As the members of the National Assembly appeared one by one and the voting concluded, the streets were filled with an overwhelming sense of tension.

And then at 5 p.m., Speaker of the National Assembly Woo Won-shik declared, “The impeachment motion against President Yoon Suk Yeol has been passed with 204 votes in favor, 85 against, 3 abstentions, and 8 invalid votes.” The streets erupted with cheers as people embraced one another, chanting, “The people have won.” On Gwangju’s Geumnam-ro, the area was packed with over 40,000 citizens. Despite the cold weather, the spirit of sharing remained warm, with fish cake soup and rice balls (another symbol of the Gwangju Uprising) prepared by the May Mothers’ House being distributed to the crowd.

“The democratic spirit of the people of Gwangju is alive and well.”

It was a moment where the people of South Korea came together as one to reclaim democracy. And for Gwangju, it was an especially emotional moment. Forty-four years after the previous martial law, the citizens of Gwangju once again embodied the “Spirit of Gwangju,” leading in the victory for democracy. In 1980, Gwangju had to fight a lonely battle, but now it stands as the leading city in the nationwide fight for democracy. Once again, Gwangju has written a new chapter in its history as a stalwart of democracy.

After the impeachment motion against Yoon Suk Yeol passed, Prime Minister Han Duck-soo assumed the role of acting president. However, with Han himself impeached soon after, the authority has now shifted to Vice Premier Choi Sang-mok. The people demonstrated a significant democratic victory over martial law, but South Korean politics still faces numerous challenges.

A heated debate between the ruling and opposition parties commemced over whether to arrest Yoon Suk Yeol on charges of treason. Protests in the streets remained constant, even into 2025. In Gwangju, people once again gathered at the May 18 Democracy Square, chanting “Arrest Yoon Suk Yeol.” In Seoul, groups advocated for the protection of Yoon Suk Yeol, while others continued to demand his arrest.

On January 15, at 10:33 a.m., 43 days after the declaration of emergency martial law on Yeol was executed. This marked the first time in constitutional history that a sitting president was arrested. On January 3, the first arrest warrant could not be executed, as it was blocked by the Presidential Security Service protecting Yoon Seok Yeol. Additionally, Yoon’s legal team argued that the warrant was unconstitutional and illegal.

And again, on January 15, starting at 4:10 a.m., the police and the Corruption Investigation Office for High-Ranking Officials (CIO) attempted to execute the second arrest warrant in front of the presidential residence in Hannam- dong, Seoul. Yoon Seok Yeol’s legal team and some members of the People Power Party once again blocked the CIO, while the area around the residence filled with Yoon’s supporters, causing ongoing commotion. The CIO and the police gradually broke through the barriers in front of the residence, using ladders to climb over vehicle barricades. Finally, at 10:33 a.m., Yoon was arrested.

Immediately after his arrest, Yoon Seok Yeol released a pre-recorded public address video. In the video, he claimed that both the CIO investigation and the court’s issuance of the warrant on the 15th were illegal, stating, “The rule of law in this country has completely collapsed.” He also firmly maintained his stance that he was not arrested but had “voluntarily appeared” before the authorities.

Korea seems to be entering another prolonged battle. Although Yoon Seok Yeol has been arrested, it remains uncertain whether the investigation will proceed smoothly or whether he will be formally detained. The path to uncovering the truth behind the December 3 treason is still long and arduous. This is merely the first step in holding Yoon and those who supported him accountable. It is expected that they will employ every possible means to evade the law, as they have demonstrated such behavior in the past. Additionally, attention is now focused on how the Constitutional Court will rule on the impeachment.

On December 3, 2024, the people of South Korea achieved victory against Yoon Suk Yeol’s martial law by their fervent support of democracy. However, the ongoing unresolved political disputes that have followed raise questions about the direction in which South Korea is headed. What remains unchanged, though, is the fact that countless citizens came together as one. The democratic spirit of the people of Gwangju is alive and well. While we must wait to see how South Korean politics unfolds in 2025, we must not forget that we live in a democratic nation. It is a value that must continue to be upheld in the future.